Yasawans often see norm violations against increasingly distant outsiders as increasingly permissible (Henrich, 2008); although villagers are generally friendly and hospitable to everyone, they also find it more acceptable to steal from high-end tourist resorts than known members of the village. While the resorts regularly employ locals, many villagers are fired for stealing shortly after starting work (this may also be related to the traditional needs-based distribution and redistribution routinely employed among Yasawans, as documented in Gervais, 2013).<\/span><\/p><\/blockquote>\nShouldn\u2019t such observations be brought to bear on the interpretation of Yasawans judgment on theft, especially since the theft described in the vignette\u00a0is said to take place among people who do not know each other, hence, realistically, not among Yasawans who are all or nearly all acquainted with each other?<\/p>\n
Instead of a useful combination of relevant ethnographic details and experiments, we get a study full of detailed statistics (without which, I reckon, it would not have been published in PNAS<\/em>) and very little useful content. The authors, being serious scholars, are very prudent in drawing any theoretical conclusion from their work. The strongest conclusion they draw is:<\/p>\nOur findings do not suggest that intentions and other reasons for action are not important in moral judgment. Instead, what they suggest is that the roles that intentions and reasons for action play in moral judgment are not universal across cultures, but rather, variable. One way of interpreting this is that reasoning about the sources of an agent\u2019s action\u2014using theory of mind and other evolved abilities\u2014is universally available as a resource for moral judgments, but it might not always be used in the same way, or even at all, in particular cases.<\/span><\/p><\/blockquote>\nI would just qualify this commonsense conclusion by making the trivial point that a factor such as taking intentions into account in judging actions and actors\u00a0can both be universal and have variable manifestations across cultures. So, what do we learn?<\/p>\n
\n[1] Barrett, H. C., Bolyanatz, A., Crittenden, A. N., Fessler, D. M., Fitzpatrick, S., Gurven, M., … & Laurence, S. (2016). Small-scale societies exhibit fundamental variation in the role of intentions in moral judgment.\u00a0Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences<\/i>,\u00a0113<\/i>(17), 4688-4693.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" In his latest blog post, Hugo Mercier, discusses\u00a0Clark Barrett et al.\u2019s paper in PNAS: \u201cSmall-scale societies exhibit fundamental variation in the role of intentions in moral judgment.\u201d [\u00b41] Unlike Hugo, I don\u2019t find this piece of work fascinating. In fact, given that excellent scholars I respect and admire have invested a good amount of effort […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":677,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[5],"tags":[],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\n
How not to combine ethnography and experiments in the study of moral judgment - International Cognition and Culture Institute<\/title>\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\t \n\t \n\t \n